1. Número 1 · Enero 2015

  2. Número 2 · Enero 2015

  3. Número 3 · Enero 2015

  4. Número 4 · Febrero 2015

  5. Número 5 · Febrero 2015

  6. Número 6 · Febrero 2015

  7. Número 7 · Febrero 2015

  8. Número 8 · Marzo 2015

  9. Número 9 · Marzo 2015

  10. Número 10 · Marzo 2015

  11. Número 11 · Marzo 2015

  12. Número 12 · Abril 2015

  13. Número 13 · Abril 2015

  14. Número 14 · Abril 2015

  15. Número 15 · Abril 2015

  16. Número 16 · Mayo 2015

  17. Número 17 · Mayo 2015

  18. Número 18 · Mayo 2015

  19. Número 19 · Mayo 2015

  20. Número 20 · Junio 2015

  21. Número 21 · Junio 2015

  22. Número 22 · Junio 2015

  23. Número 23 · Junio 2015

  24. Número 24 · Julio 2015

  25. Número 25 · Julio 2015

  26. Número 26 · Julio 2015

  27. Número 27 · Julio 2015

  28. Número 28 · Septiembre 2015

  29. Número 29 · Septiembre 2015

  30. Número 30 · Septiembre 2015

  31. Número 31 · Septiembre 2015

  32. Número 32 · Septiembre 2015

  33. Número 33 · Octubre 2015

  34. Número 34 · Octubre 2015

  35. Número 35 · Octubre 2015

  36. Número 36 · Octubre 2015

  37. Número 37 · Noviembre 2015

  38. Número 38 · Noviembre 2015

  39. Número 39 · Noviembre 2015

  40. Número 40 · Noviembre 2015

  41. Número 41 · Diciembre 2015

  42. Número 42 · Diciembre 2015

  43. Número 43 · Diciembre 2015

  44. Número 44 · Diciembre 2015

  45. Número 45 · Diciembre 2015

  46. Número 46 · Enero 2016

  47. Número 47 · Enero 2016

  48. Número 48 · Enero 2016

  49. Número 49 · Enero 2016

  50. Número 50 · Febrero 2016

  51. Número 51 · Febrero 2016

  52. Número 52 · Febrero 2016

  53. Número 53 · Febrero 2016

  54. Número 54 · Marzo 2016

  55. Número 55 · Marzo 2016

  56. Número 56 · Marzo 2016

  57. Número 57 · Marzo 2016

  58. Número 58 · Marzo 2016

  59. Número 59 · Abril 2016

  60. Número 60 · Abril 2016

  61. Número 61 · Abril 2016

  62. Número 62 · Abril 2016

  63. Número 63 · Mayo 2016

  64. Número 64 · Mayo 2016

  65. Número 65 · Mayo 2016

  66. Número 66 · Mayo 2016

  67. Número 67 · Junio 2016

  68. Número 68 · Junio 2016

  69. Número 69 · Junio 2016

  70. Número 70 · Junio 2016

  71. Número 71 · Junio 2016

  72. Número 72 · Julio 2016

  73. Número 73 · Julio 2016

  74. Número 74 · Julio 2016

  75. Número 75 · Julio 2016

  76. Número 76 · Agosto 2016

  77. Número 77 · Agosto 2016

  78. Número 78 · Agosto 2016

  79. Número 79 · Agosto 2016

  80. Número 80 · Agosto 2016

  81. Número 81 · Septiembre 2016

  82. Número 82 · Septiembre 2016

  83. Número 83 · Septiembre 2016

  84. Número 84 · Septiembre 2016

  85. Número 85 · Octubre 2016

  86. Número 86 · Octubre 2016

  87. Número 87 · Octubre 2016

  88. Número 88 · Octubre 2016

  89. Número 89 · Noviembre 2016

  90. Número 90 · Noviembre 2016

  91. Número 91 · Noviembre 2016

  92. Número 92 · Noviembre 2016

  93. Número 93 · Noviembre 2016

  94. Número 94 · Diciembre 2016

  95. Número 95 · Diciembre 2016

  96. Número 96 · Diciembre 2016

  97. Número 97 · Diciembre 2016

  98. Número 98 · Enero 2017

  99. Número 99 · Enero 2017

  100. Número 100 · Enero 2017

  101. Número 101 · Enero 2017

  102. Número 102 · Febrero 2017

  103. Número 103 · Febrero 2017

  104. Número 104 · Febrero 2017

  105. Número 105 · Febrero 2017

  106. Número 106 · Marzo 2017

  107. Número 107 · Marzo 2017

  108. Número 108 · Marzo 2017

  109. Número 109 · Marzo 2017

  110. Número 110 · Marzo 2017

  111. Número 111 · Abril 2017

  112. Número 112 · Abril 2017

  113. Número 113 · Abril 2017

  114. Número 114 · Abril 2017

  115. Número 115 · Mayo 2017

  116. Número 116 · Mayo 2017

  117. Número 117 · Mayo 2017

  118. Número 118 · Mayo 2017

  119. Número 119 · Mayo 2017

  120. Número 120 · Junio 2017

  121. Número 121 · Junio 2017

  122. Número 122 · Junio 2017

  123. Número 123 · Junio 2017

  124. Número 124 · Julio 2017

  125. Número 125 · Julio 2017

  126. Número 126 · Julio 2017

  127. Número 127 · Julio 2017

  128. Número 128 · Agosto 2017

  129. Número 129 · Agosto 2017

  130. Número 130 · Agosto 2017

  131. Número 131 · Agosto 2017

  132. Número 132 · Agosto 2017

  133. Número 133 · Septiembre 2017

  134. Número 134 · Septiembre 2017

  135. Número 135 · Septiembre 2017

  136. Número 136 · Septiembre 2017

  137. Número 137 · Octubre 2017

  138. Número 138 · Octubre 2017

  139. Número 139 · Octubre 2017

  140. Número 140 · Octubre 2017

  141. Número 141 · Noviembre 2017

  142. Número 142 · Noviembre 2017

  143. Número 143 · Noviembre 2017

  144. Número 144 · Noviembre 2017

  145. Número 145 · Noviembre 2017

  146. Número 146 · Diciembre 2017

  147. Número 147 · Diciembre 2017

  148. Número 148 · Diciembre 2017

  149. Número 149 · Diciembre 2017

  150. Número 150 · Enero 2018

  151. Número 151 · Enero 2018

  152. Número 152 · Enero 2018

  153. Número 153 · Enero 2018

  154. Número 154 · Enero 2018

  155. Número 155 · Febrero 2018

  156. Número 156 · Febrero 2018

  157. Número 157 · Febrero 2018

  158. Número 158 · Febrero 2018

  159. Número 159 · Marzo 2018

  160. Número 160 · Marzo 2018

  161. Número 161 · Marzo 2018

  162. Número 162 · Marzo 2018

  163. Número 163 · Abril 2018

  164. Número 164 · Abril 2018

  165. Número 165 · Abril 2018

  166. Número 166 · Abril 2018

  167. Número 167 · Mayo 2018

  168. Número 168 · Mayo 2018

  169. Número 169 · Mayo 2018

  170. Número 170 · Mayo 2018

  171. Número 171 · Mayo 2018

  172. Número 172 · Junio 2018

  173. Número 173 · Junio 2018

  174. Número 174 · Junio 2018

  175. Número 175 · Junio 2018

  176. Número 176 · Julio 2018

  177. Número 177 · Julio 2018

  178. Número 178 · Julio 2018

  179. Número 179 · Julio 2018

  180. Número 180 · Agosto 2018

  181. Número 181 · Agosto 2018

  182. Número 182 · Agosto 2018

  183. Número 183 · Agosto 2018

  184. Número 184 · Agosto 2018

  185. Número 185 · Septiembre 2018

  186. Número 186 · Septiembre 2018

  187. Número 187 · Septiembre 2018

  188. Número 188 · Septiembre 2018

  189. Número 189 · Octubre 2018

  190. Número 190 · Octubre 2018

  191. Número 191 · Octubre 2018

  192. Número 192 · Octubre 2018

  193. Número 193 · Octubre 2018

  194. Número 194 · Noviembre 2018

  195. Número 195 · Noviembre 2018

  196. Número 196 · Noviembre 2018

  197. Número 197 · Noviembre 2018

  198. Número 198 · Diciembre 2018

  199. Número 199 · Diciembre 2018

  200. Número 200 · Diciembre 2018

  201. Número 201 · Diciembre 2018

  202. Número 202 · Enero 2019

  203. Número 203 · Enero 2019

  204. Número 204 · Enero 2019

  205. Número 205 · Enero 2019

  206. Número 206 · Enero 2019

  207. Número 207 · Febrero 2019

  208. Número 208 · Febrero 2019

  209. Número 209 · Febrero 2019

  210. Número 210 · Febrero 2019

  211. Número 211 · Marzo 2019

  212. Número 212 · Marzo 2019

  213. Número 213 · Marzo 2019

  214. Número 214 · Marzo 2019

  215. Número 215 · Abril 2019

  216. Número 216 · Abril 2019

  217. Número 217 · Abril 2019

  218. Número 218 · Abril 2019

  219. Número 219 · Mayo 2019

  220. Número 220 · Mayo 2019

  221. Número 221 · Mayo 2019

  222. Número 222 · Mayo 2019

  223. Número 223 · Mayo 2019

  224. Número 224 · Junio 2019

  225. Número 225 · Junio 2019

  226. Número 226 · Junio 2019

  227. Número 227 · Junio 2019

  228. Número 228 · Julio 2019

  229. Número 229 · Julio 2019

  230. Número 230 · Julio 2019

  231. Número 231 · Julio 2019

  232. Número 232 · Julio 2019

  233. Número 233 · Agosto 2019

  234. Número 234 · Agosto 2019

  235. Número 235 · Agosto 2019

  236. Número 236 · Agosto 2019

  237. Número 237 · Septiembre 2019

  238. Número 238 · Septiembre 2019

  239. Número 239 · Septiembre 2019

  240. Número 240 · Septiembre 2019

  241. Número 241 · Octubre 2019

  242. Número 242 · Octubre 2019

  243. Número 243 · Octubre 2019

  244. Número 244 · Octubre 2019

  245. Número 245 · Octubre 2019

  246. Número 246 · Noviembre 2019

  247. Número 247 · Noviembre 2019

  248. Número 248 · Noviembre 2019

  249. Número 249 · Noviembre 2019

  250. Número 250 · Diciembre 2019

  251. Número 251 · Diciembre 2019

  252. Número 252 · Diciembre 2019

  253. Número 253 · Diciembre 2019

  254. Número 254 · Enero 2020

  255. Número 255 · Enero 2020

  256. Número 256 · Enero 2020

  257. Número 257 · Febrero 2020

  258. Número 258 · Marzo 2020

  259. Número 259 · Abril 2020

  260. Número 260 · Mayo 2020

  261. Número 261 · Junio 2020

  262. Número 262 · Julio 2020

  263. Número 263 · Agosto 2020

  264. Número 264 · Septiembre 2020

  265. Número 265 · Octubre 2020

  266. Número 266 · Noviembre 2020

  267. Número 267 · Diciembre 2020

  268. Número 268 · Enero 2021

  269. Número 269 · Febrero 2021

  270. Número 270 · Marzo 2021

  271. Número 271 · Abril 2021

  272. Número 272 · Mayo 2021

  273. Número 273 · Junio 2021

  274. Número 274 · Julio 2021

  275. Número 275 · Agosto 2021

  276. Número 276 · Septiembre 2021

  277. Número 277 · Octubre 2021

  278. Número 278 · Noviembre 2021

  279. Número 279 · Diciembre 2021

CTXT necesita 15.000 socias/os para seguir creciendo. Suscríbete a CTXT

THOMAS FRANK / WRITER

“The Democrats are a class party, but it's not the working class; it's the professional class”

Álvaro Guzmán Bastida 25/05/2016

<p>Thomas Frank</p>

Thomas Frank

Bonkeeyi

A diferencia de otros medios, en CTXT mantenemos todos nuestros artículos en abierto. Nuestra apuesta es recuperar el espíritu de la prensa independiente: ser un servicio público. Si puedes permitirte pagar 4 euros al mes, apoya a CTXT. ¡Suscríbete!

Thomas Frank (1975, Kansas City) has a habit of looking close to home in search of answers to the big questions facing all of us. The process isn’t always comfortable to him, but its results often prove remarkably revealing. In 2004, he put his native Kansas under the microscope to analyze how what once was a hotbed of progressivism and counterculture had become the most faithfully Republican state in the Union. Frank’s dissection of his birth state had him face the fears, anxieties and aspirations of fellow Kansans, most of whom he confesses he disagreed with on almost everything. The result, What’s the Matter with Kansas, was one of the most celebrated books about American politics in decades. It was also extraordinarily universal. The book offered pristine insight into how working class people can vote against their direct economic interests. Frank’s message was clear – Republicans had become hegemonic in Kansas by making ‘cultural issues’ such as abortion, guns, school prayer or the teaching of evolution the vernacular of the state’s politics. In his newest book, Listen, Liberal: Or, Whatever Happened to the Party of the People? Frank turns to the Democratic Party to interrogate its complicity in the obliteration of the US middle class. Brilliant and hilarious, polemical and flamboyant, Frank met with CTXT in his house in Bethesda, a wealthy suburb of Washington, DC, to discuss how people like his neighbors –and Manhattan investment bankers— came to run what was once the party of the American working class, and why accusing Donald Trump’s supporters of racism misses a crucial point. 

When you agreed to do this interview you said, ‘Let’s talk about American politics and how awful it is.’ What makes you so pessimistic? 

I'm actually in a good mood these days because of Sanders. Even if he loses, which I think he will, eventually there will be another one, another Sanders. People are finally figuring all of this out.

Does he represent a challenge to the party itself?

Yeah, I think so. Look at how the party is reacting to him. The leadership is unanimously opposed to him. He’s not part of their group. What's funny is he is closer to who they traditionally are. He's a Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman-style Democrat and they hate him. Isn't that amazing?

Because they've become ... You argue that they've abandoned the working class.

Yeah, pretty much. 

What kinds of policies show that?

First of all, they said they were doing that in books and and magazine articles. They were very open about it. But there's all sorts of ways that you can show that. NAFTA –the free-trade agreement with Canada and Mexico, under Clinton— is the classic example. It has permanently altered the balance of power between management and labor in this country, as have all the other trade deals. Each of the last three Democrat Presidents, Obama, Clinton, and Carter, they were all elected with the support of organized labor. Labor worked their butts off and each of these presidents, when they came in, they immediately decided that labor would not get their basic one or two demands. I forget what it was with Carter. Clinton, obviously, NAFTA, he went right against them and with Obama they wanted something called card check, which would have made it easier for them organize, to form unions. Obama said he was in favor of it but he didn't lift a finger to get it passed and so it just died and that was that.

Was that a strategic decision though? Why would one abandon its base? 

Yeah, isn't that a good question? As I have gone on this book tour and as I've spoken to many, many, many people in the media, almost all of them Democrats or liberals, they don't like working-class people. They just don't like them... Specifically white working-class people. Whenever you talk about this they always say, ‘Yeah those people are racist.’ This is the stereotype in America. It’s like, ‘Good riddance that they're not voting for us. We don't want their votes.’

Is that due to elitism?

Yes, snobbery, but it goes farther than that. They do want their votes of course. And they especially want their money. They're just not willing to do anything to really help these people out. Now, you look at what the Democrats do for other groups. You look at what they did for Wall Street, for example, or the favors that they do for big Pharma or Silicon Valley. It's amazing what they did for those guys. 

When the Obama presidency started a lot of people who wanted progressive change were hopeful. You’ve argued that he could have gone after Wall Street, but chose not to.

Choice is the most important word that you just used. It’s the path that he chose to follow. Because if you talk to people in Washington DC they will say Obama he can't do anything – Republicans in Congress won’t let him, so he never has any choice. But in 2009 when he was elected, there was great sweeping enthusiasm about him. He could have done anything he wanted, especially with Wall Street. He totally had the upper hand because of the bailouts. 

What could he have done?

It would have required imagination, bravery or boldness. He could have done all sorts of things. When Roosevelt bailed out the banks in the 1930s the guy he put in charge of it, a businessman from Texas, hated Wall Street. He went around the country putting banks out of business if they had committed any kind of fraud. Obama didn't do any of these things. He put Tim Geithner in charge of it. Geithner had been working for the New York branch of the Fed. He's was very, very friendly with the Wall Street banks. Obama just went along with it, exactly the way that George Bush did it. He didn't hold these people accountable in the least. He could've prosecuted some. That would have been enormously important to show that the rule of law applies to everyone, and not just people at the bottom, but no. None of that happened.

Is it a question of affinity, one of ideology, or is it all a big conspiracy?

I think of it as simple class solidarity. The Democrats are a class party, but it's not the working class, it's the professional class. This is the great misunderstanding in our politics. They are a class party. They’re exceptionally dedicated to the interests of a social class. It's just that class is the professional class.

Can you explain who the members of the professional class are?

It includes almost anybody with an advanced degree. You're talking about the top 20% or so of the American population. I write books so I'm, by the way, one of these people. They also use the term white-collar. Sociologists say there is two hierarchies of power in America. One is a hierarchy of business, of money -so the Koch brothers, the Walton family, the business people- and then the other is hierarchy of expertise, or status— people whose career is based on their achievements in school. The professions are all based on education.

Does tech play a big part in that? 

Tech, Pharma, and Wall Street are filled with professionals. Wall Street you'd think ‘Oh, well, that's just money,” but it actually isn't anymore. It's a whole bunch of people who’ve usually gone to a very prestigious college, have advanced degrees in math and they're working on supposedly very creative things. 

Going back to Obama and the choices that he made. One argument you hear in the mainstream media all the time is Republicans are so right-wing, and they might have just become all-powerful if Obama had been more vigorously progressive. Is there any truth to that?

They are right-wing. They are very conservative. They are frightening. In truth, though, that argument is mainly used against people like me to tell us that we should stop criticizing the Democrats. The political scientists –another professional group—have a term when they talk about people who are a ‘captured constituency.’ This means they can't leave their party. Organized labor is a good example. Liberals like me are another good example. The Clinton people used to say, ‘They've got nowhere else to go.’ Our fear of the Republicans is greater than any kind of doubts we might have about the Democratic leaders. The Democrats know this so they are forever reacting to people on the left with contempt. Did that keep Obama from doing things? No, it didn't. The right wing did not make him appoint Larry Summers. They didn't make him appoint Tim Geithner. It's the same with Clinton. Clinton was moving to the right all the time. He could have chosen to go the other direction. These people have free will.

A lot of the book focuses on economics. You write that the youth knows that “no amount of labor they can produce will catapult them to the ranks of the winners.” But Obama seems very proud of the recovery, as a recent New York Times interview revealed. 

Look, the word to remember here is inequality, which is really a euphemism. For people in certain classes and certain cities there's been a wonderful recovery. Around here where we are sitting right now, in Washington DC suburb, in the Montgomery County, Maryland, which is a prosperous suburb, everything is fine. The world looks good. Real estate prices are going up. People have jobs. They generally get paid fairly well. But you get outside of these very successful places and America is falling apart. America looks like West Virginia. The middle-class way of life for working-class people is off the table – it doesn't exist anymore. For them there has been no recovery. They do these polls and they ask people, ‘Is the recession over?’ And the recession has been over, technically, for seven years, but people still say, ‘No, the recession is still going on.’ Because it is for them.

Is there anything in particular that motivates you to write that way about the youth though?

Their situation is unusually bad, because of two things – The student debt problem and the gig economy –the idea that all jobs are going to be like driving for Uber. Everything is just very short little piece of work that you do. Everything is piecework. All employment is casual employment and that's the economy that young people are entering.

What responsibility do Democrats bear in the heightened levels of inequality in the country? 

A huge part of it. Barack Obama did not take the opportunity that history afforded him in 2009 to attack the financial industry which is really the heart of inequality. Another thing he might have done is enforce antitrust. When you have monopolies, the government is supposed to go after them. We don't do that anymore in this country. Look, the Republicans certainly deserve the lion's share of the blame for inequality. They're the ones and took on organized labor and built this lobbying industry in Washington. But neoliberalism doesn't work unless you have a consensus, unless all the people at the top agree. You don't have that without the Democratic Party also signing on. You don't have neoliberalism until you have Bill Clinton. You have this sort of crazy right wing market philosophy with Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, but you don't have the real neoliberal society until you have the other side capitulating. That's Clinton and that's Obama.

What sorts of policies did Clinton implement that make you say that? 

NAFTA is the main one. He also did something called welfare reform, which basically removed the floor from under poor people. Poor people can now sink. At the same time, he was doing a whole series of deregulations of the banks. That's basically what neoliberalism is. A lot of these are things that Republicans could not do. Republicans could not get NAFTA to pass. They had negotiated it with Mexico and Canada but they couldn't get it through Congress. That was Clinton, they had to have a Democrat to do that. The Republicans would never have been able to get bank deregulation done on their own because the Democrats would have fought them to the end. Same with welfare reform. None of these things would have ever happened if Bill Clinton hadn’t been president. In some ways he achieved more than Reagan did.

There was also the crime bill, around the same time. What strikes me is Hillary Clinton's most faithful constituency are the people who arguably…

Are most harmed by these policies.

Exactly. What's at play there?

I don't really know. It's a mystery to me why anybody likes the Clintons. I guess people look back and they remember two things about him. First of all, the economy boomed in the late 90s. It was pretty much the last good times that a lot of these people have ever had. The economy has been lousy ever since and you can say well, that was built on a bubble that couldn't last, but still they had a good time. And they also remember the Republican persecution of Clinton. He was impeached, you know. The Republicans went after them for crazy reasons. It was so unfair that people identify with the Clintons. I myself did at the time. 

You’ve argued democrats attribute inequality to technological change and globalization, saying nothing can be done about those shifts. What is wrong with that analysis?

Globalization is not just something that happens. It's something that we do. NAFTA didn't just get handed down by God like the 10 Commandments. These weren't discovered in a cave somewhere. These were written by humans, by lobbyists. It's the same deal with technology. Every economic relationship is a political relationship. You take something like Uber.  It’s very convenient. It's an amazing little device, a little application, but it also has these terrible effects on taxi drivers and on wages generally and especially in if the Uber model is spread all over the economy and it will be. It's going to have very predictable downward effect on wages and on job security and on benefits on everything.

A model of casual employment. 

Yes. Exactly. It's an inequality machine. When Uber comes to a city and they want to put the local taxi industry out of business, it's up to the politicians. There are laws. We have laws about safety and about wages and hours. They can figure out a way to make the law apply to Uber but they do the opposite. That's just bogus. So many of the great technological advances of our time are devices for circumventing the law. Credit default swaps, the great financial innovation of the last decade. They were completely unregulated. You can just say ‘Oh, technology. It's God. There's nothing we can do’ or you can say, ‘We’re going to make the law apply to this.’ It's amazing to me that Democrats would rather just say, ‘Nothing we can do.’

You also point out Democrats focus almost exclusively on education.

To the Democratic Party every economic problem is really an educational problem. You're having all these issues in your town: everybody's unemployed, everybody's poor, everybody's doing meth, everybody shooting themselves. The problem is that they didn't go to college. There's a bunch of reasons why they say it. First of all, because there’s is no real challenge to the system, but more importantly, because they really believe in education. Education is the prime directive of the professional class. Their professionalism arises from education. They look at the world and they are like, ‘You just need to do what we did.’ The Republicans look at the world and say the exact same thing— only it has to do with money. Why don't you get out there and start a business? Why aren't you working hard and putting money in the bank? It’s the exact same logic except that one of them is this very high-brow, NPR listening, New Yorker reading…The other is this really gross Republican-Chamber of Commerce philosophy, but they're very similar.

You wrote recently in ‘The Guardian’ that a lot of the coverage of Trump that emphasizes his supporters’ racism is shortsighted. Why?

Trump is a bigot. The things he said are bigoted and intolerant, no doubt. However, to say that that is what motivates his supporters is a logical fallacy. There’s always been people like that. Why is Trump so successful? I just watched a bunch of his speeches. I noticed that he talks about more than just being mean to immigrants. What he talks about, excessively, is trade. He's always talking how bad the trade deals are. This has struck a chord with working-class people because they know that what NAFTA, PNTR with China and all these other trade deals have done to them. There was a video shot recently at a Carrier plant in Indianapolis where the boss tells employees they are moving the plant to Mexico. Trump talks about this, and he fantasizes about how as president, he would call the CEO of that company and threaten him with tariffs just for his products and about how quickly the CEO would capitulate. People love this. They love to hear this. The New York Times went up to Indianapolis and interviewed people who work at that plant. These people are not racist. There was a guy who said, ‘Look, members of my family are Mexican and it really bothers me what Trump said about Mexicans. However, if he really is going to threaten the CEO my company, yes, I will vote for him.’ It's easy to understand this.

Have Democrats paved the way for that?

Oh, sure. Democrats set themselves up for this, because they pushed these people away from the Democratic Party.

----------------

Spanish version

Thomas Frank (1975, Kansas City) has a habit of looking close to home in search of answers to the big questions facing all of us. The process isn’t always comfortable to him, but its results often prove remarkably revealing. In 2004, he put his native Kansas under the microscope to analyze how what...

Este artículo es exclusivo para las personas suscritas a CTXT. Puedes suscribirte aquí

Autor >

Álvaro Guzmán Bastida

Nacido en Pamplona en plenos Sanfermines, ha vivido en Barcelona, Londres, Misuri, Carolina del Norte, Macondo, Buenos Aires y, ahora, Nueva York. Dicen que estudió dos másteres, de Periodismo y Política, en Columbia, que trabajó en Al Jazeera, y que tiene los pies planos. Escribe sobre política, economía, cultura y movimientos sociales, pero en realidad, solo le importa el resultado de Osasuna el domingo.

Suscríbete a CTXT

Orgullosas
de llegar tarde
a las últimas noticias

Gracias a tu suscripción podemos ejercer un periodismo público y en libertad.
¿Quieres suscribirte a CTXT por solo 6 euros al mes? Pulsa aquí

Artículos relacionados >

Deja un comentario


Los comentarios solo están habilitados para las personas suscritas a CTXT. Puedes suscribirte aquí